The Mother of all Budget Deficits

Ron Brownstein writes at the Los Angeles Times that the biggest cause of our whopping budget deficit is not congressional pork but Bush’s tax cuts.

Maybe the most valuable earmark reform Congress could consider would be to offer more pork-barrel projects to legislators who vote against unaffordable tax cuts.

OK, that’s slightly facetious. Excessive earmarks are a real problem. But they don’t pose nearly as great a threat to the federal government’s finances as the massive tax cuts President Bush and Congress continue to enact. …

… As a strategy for reducing Washington’s huge budget deficit, fighting earmarks while promoting tax cuts is incoherent. It ignores the biggest near-term threat to the budget to concentrate on a second-tier problem. It’s like a bank security guard arresting a pickpocket in the lobby while a gang of thieves loots the vault below.

Actually, that might understate the problem. The emphasis on earmarks, unless attached to a broader program, could set back action against the real threats to the federal budget: in the short term, the cost of Bush’s tax cuts; in the long term, the rise in entitlement spending for the elderly.

Not being a whiz on any topic involving numbers and money, I looked up earmarks. According to a document on the Senate Budget Committee web site,

An earmark refers to funds set aside within an account for a specified purpose. Sometimes earmark refers to any congressional set-aside for a specified program, project, activity, institution, or location. At other times, the term more narrowly refers to set-asides for individual projects, locations, or institutions. For example, an appropriations bill including $100 million for a construction account may set aside $10 million of the construction funds for a particular project. In addition to setting aside funds, the earmark might also provide spending floors by stating that not less than $10 million must be used for the specified project.

Back to Ron Brownstein:

The focus on earmarks “throws the public off,” says Robert Bixby, executive director of the Concord Coalition, a nonpartisan fiscal watchdog group. “It distorts the nature of the problem. It is hard to get people focused on the big policy choices when they hear so much about these earmarks that they think that is the problem.”

Individual legislators slip earmarks into budgets to pay back their campaign contributors and to impress voters back home through projects like the famous Alaskan “bridge to nowhere.” A group called Citizens Against Government Waste calculates that in 1994, the last year Democrats controlled Congress, Congress approved $7.8 billion in earmarks. Under Republicans that number has risen. This year’s earmarks totaled $29 billion.

Not all earmarks are wasteful, Brownstein writes, but even if they were, “earmarks represent little more than a rounding error compared to Bush’s tax cuts or the long-term cost of entitlements.”

The Tax Policy Center, Brownstein says,

… calculated that extending all of Bush’s first-term tax cuts and adjusting the alternative minimum tax to blunt its impact on the middle class would cost about $300 billion a year over the next decade.

That means the cost of Bush’s tax agenda exceeds the cost of all earmarks, even under the most expansive definition, by about 10 to 1. The cost of Bush’s tax agenda in one year alone will exceed the total spent on earmarks, by any definition, in the past decade.

Yet Republican politicians who yell and scream about pork cheerfully support the irresponsible tax cuts. That may be the real purpose of the pork — it gives them something beside tax cuts to blame for the deficit. Crusading for earmark reform, Brownstein says, “allows politicians to suggest they are seriously confronting the deficit while supporting unaffordable tax cuts that deepen the deficit.”

Over at BOP News, Hale Stewart blogs mightily against the insanity of the Bush tax cuts. See, for example, “Republicans Give Millionaires $42,000 Tax Break” — “People who make $1 million or more in annual income get a $41,977 tax break, while people who make $50,000 — 74,999 get a whopping $110 break and $403. Wow. Color me impressed.”

Republicans still say that tax cuts, especially tax cuts for the well-to-do investor class, are growing the economy out of the deficit. To this Hale says,

First, the Republican completely ignore the 2001 tax cuts. They simply forget them. Why? Because nothing really important happened after them – the economy didn’t turn-around in a big way. Republicans also forget that interest rates were historically low during this expansion. Real interest rates – interest rates minus inflation – were negative for at least a year: lower interest rates to those levels and everyone borrows money to spend. In fact, the relationship between interest rates and GDP growth was long established as economic fact long-before the “tax cuts pay for themselves” canard became part of the Republican lexicon. The relationship is simple: lower rates, grow the economy; increase rates, slow the economy. It’s that simple.

So, the Republicans lie to get tax cuts for their big contributors. Wow – there’s something new.

In “They’re NOT Tax Cuts; They’re Tax DEFERRALS, Hale writes,

The Republican Congress recently passed an extension of Bush’s tax cut package. Here’s something the Republicans forget to tell everybody. These aren’t tax cuts. Instead they are tax deferments. Eventually, someone will have to pay for these cuts. As the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities demonstrates, lower income taxpayers will suffer the most.

First, here is a brief summary of the Republican Congress’ “fiscal responsibility.” First, they have cut taxes twice – in 2001 and 2003. The Republicans want everyone to forget about 2001 because nothing happened after those tax cuts – job growth didn’t increase, GDP growth was lackluster and tax revenues decreased for two straight years (indicating tax cuts don’t pay for themselves). In fact, tax revenue at the end of 2005 was still 6.7% below the level of tax revenue from individuals in 2001.

At the same time, the Republican’s increased discretionary spending from $649 billion to $967 billion. This created a gap between government revenues and expenditures which was filled by a 43% in government debt outstanding from $5.8 trillion to $8.3 trillion. In other words, the “fiscally responsible” party whipped out the national credit card to pay for their tax cuts, passing the cost onto the next generation (clearly violating their personal responsibility motto).

The links in Hale’s post lead to some really interesting tables. See also “The Ultimate Burden of the Tax Cuts” from the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.

Related links: “Bankrupted by Voodoo Economics” by Jonathan Chait; “Don’t Feed the Beast” by Sebastian Mallaby and Mahablog, “The Beast That Won’t Starve.”

Saturday Night Blogged

The buzz says that Karl Rove has been indicted. Patrick Fitzgerald spent all day Friday at Rove’s lawyer’s office. We’ll see.

Other links worth following: “Cheney Pushed U.S. to Widen Eavesdropping“; Cheney’s role in Plamegate is getting fresh attention.

Frank Rich’s column for tomorrow’s New York Times is up behind the firewall, and it’s a doozy. Raw Story has excerpts. It might turn up at True Blue Liberal some time in the next few hours. [Update: Yep; here it is.] Here’s a bit not quoted on Raw Story:

This being an election year, Karl Rove hopes the hearings can portray Bush opponents as soft on terrorism when they question any national security move. It was this bullying that led so many Democrats to rubber-stamp the Iraq war resolution in the 2002 election season and Mr. Goss’s appointment in the autumn of 2004.

Will they fall into the same trap in 2006? Will they be so busy soliloquizing about civil liberties that they’ll fail to investigate the nominee’s record? It was under General Hayden, a self-styled electronic surveillance whiz, that the N.S.A. intercepted actual Qaeda messages on Sept. 10, 2001 — “Tomorrow is zero hour” for one — and failed to translate them until Sept. 12. That same fateful summer, General Hayden’s N.S.A. also failed to recognize that “some of the terrorists had set up shop literally under its nose,” as the national-security authority James Bamford wrote in The Washington Post in 2002. The Qaeda cell that hijacked American Flight 77 and plowed into the Pentagon was based in the same town, Laurel, Md., as the N.S.A., and “for months, the terrorists and the N.S.A. employees exercised in some of the same local health clubs and shopped in the same grocery stores.”

If Democrats — and, for that matter, Republicans — let a president with a Nixonesque approval rating install yet another second-rate sycophant at yet another security agency, even one as diminished as the C.I.A., someone should charge those senators with treason, too.

By the Book

A couple of days ago, I said “we’re observing is a textbook example of how people who have a choice allow themselves to become subject to dictatorship.” In the past 24 hours this became even more apparent.

Maybe
a nanosecond of time elapsed between the revelation of the NSA’s phone data mining program and knee-jerk approval of it from much of the Right. It was hard to tell. And the spinning continues. “Only a paranoid solipsist could feel threatened by the recently revealed calling analysis program,” writes Heather Mac Donald in The Weekly Standard.

As a practical matter, no one’s privacy is violated by such analysis. … True, the government can de-anonymize the data if connections to terror suspects emerge, and it is not known what threshold of proof the government uses to put a name to critical phone numbers. But until that point is reached, your privacy is at greater risk from the Goodyear blimp at a Stones concert than from the NSA’s supercomputers churning through trillions of zeros and ones representing disembodied phone numbers.

Until that point is reached. We have no way of knowing where the NSA is setting that point, and since they are operating without proper oversight we have no way of knowing if, indeed, they are looking only for terrorist activity. We have to take it on faith that we’re safe from government surveillance. But, hey, out of millions of American telephone users, what are the chances the feds would take an interest in insignificant little you?

And even after that point is reached, the notion that 280 million Americans who have not been communicating with al Qaeda are at risk from this quadrillion-bit program is absurd. What exactly are the privacy advocates worried about? That an NSA agent will search the phone records of his ex-wife or of themselves? This quaint scenario completely misunderstands the scale of, and bureaucratic checks on, such data analysis programs.

It’s true that if the program is being run as it’s described to us (which we have to take on faith, of course) then the chances of having one’s own calls attract governmental interest are enormously small. Unless, perhaps, you ever call Middle Eastern friends or co-workers, or order falafel from a take-out place run by, say, Egyptian nationals living here on a green card. Given the “six degrees of separation” rule, that might put you only one or two degrees from someone under suspicion of terrorist activities without your even knowing about it.

And I am charmed by Ms. Mac Donald’s pure faith that the feds would never, ever use the same data mining program for any other reason. Like, maybe, to find who’s getting “action alert” phone calls from Moveon.org. Or who’s been on the phone to the Democratic National Committee. Or who Michael Moore rings up when he wants to schmooze.

Scores of righties have pointed out that marketers can obtain your calling history. I’m not happy about that, but let’s go on … for some reason, these same righties don’t make a connection to the obvious next step — why would marketers want your calling history unless they could connect you, as a potential customer, to that history?

“Can we please cut the crap?” asks Kevin Drum. “Even a child knows that phone numbers can be linked to names and addresses using ordinary commercial databases. There is absolutely nothing anonymous about this data, and only a shameless con man would try to convince us otherwise.” Or a Bush cultie.

Ron Hutcheson of Knight Ridder reminds us that the feds have a long history of abusing personal information. “From the Red Scare in the 1920s to illegal wiretaps during the Nixon era, Americans have struggled to find the right balance between individual rights and collective security,” he writes.

By the Red Scare in the 1920s, when the government made large-scale arrests of radicals and leftists in the wake of communists taking power in Russia, the bureau had assembled a rapidly expanding database of more than 150,000 names.

Abuses over the years cross party lines and political ideologies. Franklin Roosevelt wanted a file on Americans who sent him critical telegrams. Lyndon Johnson asked the FBI to get him the phone records of Republican vice presidential candidate Spiro Agnew.

Attorney General Robert Kennedy, remembered today as a champion of the underdog, approved wiretaps on the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. [But see this for context.] Nearly every recent president has ordered questionable “name checks” – a search of FBI files for any damaging information – on political opponents.

During the Nixon administration, a name check on journalist Daniel Schorr backfired when the FBI misunderstood its instructions and conducted a full background investigation, including interviews with Schorr’s associates. White House officials, desperate for a cover story to explain the FBI probe, made the improbable claim that Schorr had been under consideration for a government appointment. …

few politicians can resist the chance to gather information on their enemies, and few intelligence-gatherers can resist pressure to please the president.

The Bush Administration was caught wiretapping UN delegates for political purposes, and is under suspicion of leaking classified information to smear political enemies.

So let’s get over the fallacy that the data mining program couldn’t possibly be part of a pattern of abuses. Yes, it could.

Greg Palast writes,

[T]he snooping into your phone bill is just the snout of the pig of a strange, lucrative link-up between the Administration’s Homeland Security spy network and private companies operating beyond the reach of the laws meant to protect us from our government. You can call it the privatization of the FBI — though it is better described as the creation of a private KGB.

The leader in the field of what is called “data mining,” is a company, formed in 1997, called, “ChoicePoint, Inc,” which has sucked up over a billion dollars in national security contracts.

Worried about Dick Cheney listening in Sunday on your call to Mom? That ain’t nothing. You should be more concerned that they are linking this info to your medical records, your bill purchases and your entire personal profile including, not incidentally, your voting registration. Five years ago, I discovered that ChoicePoint had already gathered 16 billion data files on Americans — and I know they’ve expanded their ops at an explosive rate.

They are paid to keep an eye on you — because the FBI can’t. For the government to collect this stuff is against the law unless you’re suspected of a crime. (The law in question is the Constitution.) But ChoicePoint can collect if for “commercial” purchases — and under the Bush Administration’s suspect reading of the Patriot Act — our domestic spying apparatchiks can then BUY the info from ChoicePoint.

No evidence has come to light that this is happening. But,

ChoicePoint’s board has more Republicans than a Palm Beach country club. It was funded, and its board stocked, by such Republican sugar daddies as billionaires Bernie Marcus and Ken Langone — even after Langone was charged by the Securities Exchange Commission with abuse of inside information.

I first ran across these guys in 2000 in Florida when our Guardian/BBC team discovered the list of 94,000 “felons” that Katherine Harris had ordered removed from Florida’s voter rolls before the election. Virtually every voter purged was innocent of any crime except, in most cases, Voting While Black. Who came up with this electoral hit list that gave Bush the White House? ChoicePoint, Inc.

And worse, they KNEW the racially-tainted list of felons was bogus. And when we caught them, they lied about it. While they’ve since apologized to the NAACP, ChoicePoint’s ethnic cleansing of voter rolls has been amply assuaged by the man the company elected.

Oops.

Back to what the NSA is up to … from an editorial in yesterday’s Los Angeles Times:

Even under the Patriot Act, there are judicially supervised rules on how investigators may use technology — known as “pen registers” and “trap and trace” — that monitor telephone traffic without actually listening in on conversations. So the legality of this program is debatable at best.

This is a critical point — there is insufficient oversight. If persons from the legislative or judicial branch with proper security clearance were allowed full access to what the NSA is up to in order to ensure the information is not being abused, the program would be less objectionable. But the bleeping Justice Department can’t even get in to the NSA.

The issue — which righties can never get through their thick heads — is not data mining or surveillance itself, but how it’s being done — in violation of law, and under a radical new theory of executive power that would make the Framers’ hair stand on end.

But what really creeped me out yesterday was the bogus poll that appeared, overnight, telling us that most Americans were just fine with the NSA data mining project. So Washington Post headlines and cable news bobbleheads like Chris Matthews assured us that most Americans supported President Bush’s program, without noting that the poll was taken awfully quickly by a long-time Republican operative named Richard Morin. Jane H. wrote yesterday,

So before the phone records story even breaks, Morin — who knows absolutely what he is doing — starts polling people who have no idea what he’s talking about and giving it his best shot, tying it to the War on Terra. It works. Today it’s plastered across the front page of the washingtonpost.com like Carol Doda’s bright red lightbulb tits flashing at the Condor Club. …

… just like clockwork, the chattering class picked up the ball and ran with Morin’s meme. Said JWR here in the comments this morning, “Surprise! Juan Williams just cited that WaPo poll in asserting that the American people are A-Ok with illegal domestic spying.” And Howie Klein writes from the road, “I’m sitting in a hotel room in NYC and CNN has repeated those numbers every 20 minutes since I woke up. Every one of the talking heads they bring on to comment, cites it. I can only imagine what Fox must be making of it.” [emphasis added]

Strangely, a Newsweek poll taken after the data mining story became public came up with entirely different results. But it’s a Saturday, so fewer people will hear that a majority of Americans think the NSA has gone too far.

The Richard Morin poll was a slick move to both influence public opinion (most of your fellow Americans are OK with this; why not you?) and intimidate Democrats who don’t want voters to think they are soft on national security. And news media meekly went along with the scam.

Righties insist that the data mining program couldn’t possibly be intruding into the privacy of law-abiding citizens. And maybe it isn’t. But righties won’t recognize the incremental steps to tyranny until the jack boots are goose-stepping into their own neighborhoods. And that’s when it’s too late.

Billmon quotes William Arkin:

This NSA dominated program of ingestion, digestion, and distribution of intelligence raises profound questions about the privacy and civil liberties of all Americans. Though there is no evidence that the new harvesting programs have been involved in illegal activity or have been abused to reach into the lives of innocent Americans, an all-seeing domestic surveillance is slowly being established, one that in just a few years time will be able track the activities and “transactions” of any targeted individual in near real time.

Warning: Don’t read Billmon’s post unless you’re prepared to have your hair set on fire.

If we listen to the righties, we’ll trust the feds. We’ll allow them to operate without oversight. We’ll let them build a surveillance apparatus worthy of Orwell’s 1984. And we’ll be taught to approve of this in the name of liberty.

As Digby says, “It has become clear to me that we are frogs being slowly boiled to death.”

Through the Foggo

What follows is speculation. I’m passing this on from Josh Marshall, who also calls it speculation. But it’s real juicy speculation.

Remember Mary McCarthy? In a post on the just-fired CIA executive director Kyle “Dusty” Foggo, Josh writes,

Foggo seems to have been close to the hack-in-chief in the partisanized hackocracy that Goss tried to create at the CIA. But does Foggo’s role in pressing what were apparently leak probes of unprecedented scope have some deeper connection to the story?

We now know that the CIA Inspector General’s investigation, which CIA spokespersons had until recently been calling perfunctory, was nothing of the sort. They were there on the scene yesterday helping haul documents out of Foggo’s home and office. That investigation has been going on for some time. And clearly it was a pretty big deal.

The biggest scalp bagged by those leak investigations was CIA historian and Africa specialist Mary McCarthy. You remember that a few weeks ago she was fired from the Agency, just before retiring, allegedly for leaking information to the Washington Post‘s Dana Priest.

Now, in emails today, several readers noted the fact that at the time of her firing, McCarthy was working in the CIA’s Inspector General’s office, the same office that was then investigating Foggo and not more than a few weeks after McCarthy’s firing would participating in raids on Foggo’s home and office.

Could it be that McCarthy’s firing had nothing to do with leaks to journalists, but was part of a last-ditch effort by Foggo and Goss to cover their butts? Hmmmm … but, as Josh says, there is no doubt more going on beneath the surface that we have yet to learn about, so this theory could fall apart in days to come.

Josh also cites news stories that say Goss did not know Foggo before making him the number three guy at the CIA, which makes one wonder how Foggo leaped from a much lower-level position into the executive director’s office.

Maybe the Foggo came on little cat feet?

Sorry, but when you get a chance to snark about somebody named Foggo, I say take advantage. Lots of other people have already used “Foggo of War.” I’m trying to be original.

Speaking of which, in “The Foggo of War” Larry Johnson writes more about Mr. Foggo and his affiliations with the guys running the poker-and-prostitute parties connected to Randy “Duke” Cunningham. Foggo may be a bit player in that part of the drama, Johnson says.

The Inherent Authority to Violate Federal Law

In case you missed Jonathan Turley‘s segment on last night’s Countdown — here’s the transcript.

OLBERMANN: The simplest, broadest question here, could this program possibly be legal?

TURLEY: Frankly, I don‘t see how it can. If what was said in “USA

Today” is true—and there‘s been no denial of any of the essential facts

it seems to me, once again, to violate federal law. It is true that courts do not require a warrant to get the phone number of targeted individuals as part of a criminal investigation. But there is no law that allows the government to do this type of operation.

OLBERMANN: The choice that the government made not to go to FISA or the attorney general, is that in some way an acknowledgement that the NSA took a good guess at this and a good look at it and said, Well, this is probably not going to get approved by a FISA court?

TURLEY: Well, it‘s a very interesting admission, because they went to the attorney general to try to get a signoff on the domestic surveillance program. And they ran into one of the most conservative lawyers in the government, James Comey. And James Comey refused. He said, I don‘t see how this is lawful. Then they went to John Ashcroft in the hospital and even Ashcroft balked and said, I‘m not comfortable with this.

So they could have had two lessons. One is, maybe we should do things lawfully. Instead, they learned, Let‘s not ask people to sign off on these things.

OLBERMANN: Yes. The president says that everything he authorized was lawful. Would he have authorized the NSA to collect these phone records, or could that OK have come from somewhere lower in the chain?

TURLEY: Well, if he did not authorize this program, we are living in dangerous times indeed, because we would have a rogue agency. Only the president of the United States should be the one to approve this type of massive operation.

So I would assume that he did. But when the president says, I would never authorize something that‘s unlawful, you know, it has a lot of people chuckling, because most experts believe the domestic surveillance program, which was disclosed in December, is unlawful, and indeed is a federal crime.

OLBERMANN: When you were here 24 hours ago, you said that the president‘s understanding of his own powers was unprecedented, that he, quote, “believes that he has the inherent authority to violate federal law.” Does the “USA Today” article, does this story basically vindicate that point of view that you expressed?

TURLEY: Quite frankly, I think it does. Every time we have looked under the rug, we have seen this president going to the edge of law and beyond it. And that is consistent with his view that he can violate federal law when he believes it‘s in the nation‘s interest. And that‘s not just national security laws. In his signing statement controversies, he has taken the same position, I, on domestic laws that range from environmental to affirmative action.

This is a president who believes that he can define what the law is or ignore it. He‘s also a president that created his own judicial system just on the other side of the border, and he says that he can try people by his own rules and execute them. Well, that combines the legislative, judicial, and executive powers of this government in one person.

OLBERMANN: Incidentally on this—and it is (INAUDIBLE) incidental –

ordinarily this might be the lead story—are the phone companies up the creek here legally? Are there class-action lawsuits to be filed here? Would you sell your AT&T stock right away?

TURLEY: I hope they are sued. I know they‘re being sued in one case.

I think Qwest has really come out of this, I, with considerable courage. You know, these companies are not supposed to simply hand over millions of bits of information on a wink and a nod. They have to confirm that the government agent or the government official, including the president of the United States, is acting with legal authority. And Qwest did exactly the right thing.

And I expect there are going to be customers with AT&T and Verizon and other companies that are going to be asking, Why did you do this? What was the authority shown to you? Because I got to tell you, I‘ve spent a day now looking for the possible authority that they would use for this operation, and I‘ve come up with nothing.

OLBERMANN: Lastly, again that tangent here that almost got buried in the middle of this, the Department of Justice abandoning the investigation into the original NSA domestic spying program. I asked Dana Milbank about the politics of that. (INAUDIBLE) now, and, let me ask you about the way that this happened. DOJ says it couldn‘t get clearance, security clearance to do this. But doesn‘t almost every high-level investigation mandate some sort of clearance? Didn‘t the CIA leak investigation require clearance? Why did they give up so easily on this investigation and not the others?

TURLEY: Well, I think it‘s clear that this administration is not going to do a serious investigation of itself. And what is really troubling is that the intelligence community controls clearances. I have a clearance. I‘m involved in an NSA-related case. They control those clearances. So they control the ability of people to investigate their own alleged crimes. Now, there‘s an obvious problem with that.

OLBERMANN: Jonathan Turley, constitutional law expert, great thanks once again.

TURLEY: Thanks, Keith.

OLBERMANN: Just remember the story of the commentator during the wiretap paranoia of the ‘70s who said, whenever he picked up the phone, instead of saying, Hello, he‘d just bark out, “[Blank] J. Edgar Hoover.”

I may start greeting people with “[Blank] John Negroponte.”

I Still Say They’re Nastier Than We Are

David Neiwert:

Media Matters directs us to the latest Coulter emission, wherein she shrieks like a harpy about conservatives’ lack of “manliness”:

    Democrats have declared war against Republicans, and Republicans are wandering around like a bunch of ninny Neville Chamberlains, congratulating themselves on their excellent behavior. They’ll have some terrific stories about their Gandhi-like passivity to share while sitting in cells at Guantanamo after Hillary is elected.
    […]
    Patriotic Americans don’t have to become dangerous psychotics like liberals, but they could at least act like men.
    Why hasn’t the former spokesman for the Taliban matriculating at Yale been beaten even more senseless than he already is? According to Hollywood, this nation is a cauldron of ethnic hatreds positively brimming with violent skinheads. Where are the skinheads when you need them? What does a girl have to do to get an angry, club- and torch-wielding mob on its feet?

Let’s be clear here: Coulter is not “joking.” She is seriously calling for “manly” conservatives to inflict violence on a college student who is in the United States legally. Moreover, she is calling for a similar kind of violence as an appropriate response to “unhinged” and “violent” liberals.

Every time some juvenile antiwar protester displays hatefulness on a poster or T-shirt, Malkin and others on the Right go ballistic over the dangerous, angry liberals. Prominent spokespersons of the Right can openly call for violence against lefties, however, and that’s OK.

I keep meaning to write something about the ex-Talibani at Yale, Sayed Rahmatullah Hashemi, so I might as well do it now. You can read more about him here.

Hashemi was born into an Afghan family who fled the violence of the Soviet occupation when he was 4. After the family returned from Pakistan, Hashemi took English lessons from the International Rescue Committee, a U.S. charity.

Eventually, he ended up as a translator and “roving ambassador” for the Taliban, the ruling party at the time. In that role, Hashemi traveled in early 2001 to the USA on a hopeless mission to defend the bizarre Taliban regime, which was harboring Osama bin Laden, blowing up priceless archeological treasurers and oppressing women.

All of 22 at the time, Hashemi made a series of naive statements that linger as embarrassments. Most memorably, he appears in Michael Moore’s Fahrenheit 9/11, telling a female anti-Taliban protester, “I’m really sorry for your husband. He might have a very difficult time with you.”

When the United States invaded Afghanistan after 9/11 and toppled the Taliban regime, a funny thing happened to Hashemi. Thanks to a connection made with an American journalist years earlier, he ended up in the USA — cleared by the U.S. Embassy and awarded student status.

After a year in a non-degree program at Yale, Hashemi, now 27, no longer sees the world framed as a religious conflict pitting Muslims against infidels. “You have to be reasonable to live in America,” he told a New York Times reporter. “Everything here is based on reason. Even the essays you write for class. Back home you have to talk about religion and culture, and you can win any argument if you bring up the Islamic argument. You can’t reason against religion.” While he’s critical of some U.S. policies, and more so Israel’s, he also has criticized the excesses of the Taliban and has drawn support on campus. …

… Yale could do a lot for Hashemi, who has a 3.3 GPA and tells friends he hopes to return to the region to promote education, without which, he says, no country can make a transition to democracy. Hashemi could also help Yale students learn about life in a theocracy.

Ever since the New York Times published a long feature story on Hashemi last February, elements of the Right have been campaigning to get him tossed out of Yale.

I remember seeng this guy on television when he was still a Taliban spokesman, and I was not favorably impressed. Given his background I suspect U.S. intelligence is keeping an eye on him, as they should. But all indications are that he’s given up association with the Taliban and his focused on his studies. His friends say he’s no extremist. Instead of taking advantage of an opportunity to promote understanding between the Muslim and western worlds, righties choose bullying and enmity.

Bottom line, hard-core righties don’t want peace. They want war. Peaceful co-existence is outside their comprehension. Anything or anyone different from them must be eliminated.

Update: What’d I say? Raging lefties want investigations! They’re out of control!

Snoopy

At the Washington Post, Eugene Robinson gets to the heart of the matter:

At least now we know that the Bush administration’s name for spying on Americans without first seeking court approval — the “terrorist surveillance program” — isn’t an exercise in Orwellian doublespeak after all. It’s just a bald-faced lie.

Clarity. It’s a beautiful thing.

No names are attached to the numbers. But a snoopy civilian with Internet access can match a name with a phone number, so imagine what the government can do.

What kills me are the people who say it’s just numbers; what’s the big deal? How many tmes do people have to get lied to before they notice a pattern?

You’ll recall that when it was revealed last year that the NSA was eavesdropping on phone calls and reading e-mails without first going to court for a warrant, the president said his “terrorist surveillance program” targeted international communications in which at least one party was overseas, and then only when at least one party was suspected of some terrorist involvement. Thus no one but terrorists had anything to worry about.

Not remotely true, it turns out, unless tens of millions of Americans are members of al-Qaeda sleeper cells — evildoers who cleverly disguise their relentless plotting as sales calls, gossip sessions and votes for Elliott on “American Idol.” (One implication, by the way, is that the NSA is able to know who got voted off “Idol” before Ryan Seacrest does.)

Some intelligence experts are saying this sounds like a dumb program. “If you’re looking for a needle, making the haystack bigger is counterintuitive,” says one.

Real
terrorists have ways of not being caught in the net. Brian Bergstein of the Associated Press writes,

Social-network analysis would appear to be powerless against criminals and terrorists who rely on a multitude of cellphones, pay phones, calling cards and Internet cafes.

And then there are more creative ways of getting off the grid. In the Madrid train-bombings case, the plotters communicated by sharing one e-mail account and saving messages to each other as drafts that didn’t traverse the Internet like regular mail messages would.

As an exasperated Jack Cafferty asked on CNN yesterday, “Why don’t you go find Osama bin Laden and seal the country’s borders and start inspecting the containers that come into our ports?”

My answer is that the Bush Administration is all about grand gestures and magic bullets, not about doing the practical, basic, unglamorous, hard-slogging things that actually need doing. I wrote last October:

George W. Bush appears to be a “magic bullet” kind of guy. I have read that his oil businesses failed because he was determined to make a big strike rather than slowly and patiently build a business. “To George W. Bush, a Texan who revels in the myth of the wildcatter, running risks in pursuit of the big gusher is a quintessential part of the American character,” says this May 16, 2005 Business Week article. “But as the scion of an aristocratic Eastern dynasty, the budding young tycoon always had a network of family friends and relations to call on. Those golden connections bailed George W. out of his early forays into the oil business.”

As president, Bush struck a political bonanza in September 11. But his biggest gamble was the war in Iraq. See how he threw the dice–he (and his advisers) bet there would be WMDs in spite of flimsy evidence. He and his crew assumed no post-invasion planning would be required, since the happy Iraqis quickly would establish a democracy as soon as they were finished tossing flowers. And he and his crew seemed to believe that the mere removal of Saddam Hussein would be the magic bullet that would bring peace to the Middle East. Why bother with boring ol’ nation building when you’ve got a magic bullet?

Once he realized he’d taken a political hit from his inept response to Katrina, Bush worked hard–to find another “bullhorn moment.” One event after another was staged to show Bush in action. Yet FEMA and the rest the Department of Homeland Security still seem to be drifting. Bush has a rare gift for getting his picture taken with firemen, but whipping a drifting department of his administration into shape is beyond his skill.

The NSA spying programs are quintessential Bush — big, expensive, secretive, and impractical. Not to mention illegal.

An editorial in today’s Baltimore Sun gives us a clue who pushed Dubya into the spy business:

After World War II, the NSA’s predecessor, the Army Signal Security Agency, sent representatives to the major telegraph companies and asked for cooperation in getting access to all telegraph traffic entering or leaving the United States. The companies complied, over the objections of their lawyers. When these practices came to light as part of a 1976 investigation into intelligence abuses, President Gerald R. Ford extended executive privilege, which shielded those involved from testifying publicly, to the telecommunications companies on the recommendation of then chief-of-staff Dick Cheney and then-Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, according to the Project on Government Oversight.

No more pardons, no more forgiveness, no more sweeping dirt under rugs. No more. From now on we must thoroughly investigate, expose, and prosecute administration officials — of any administration — who abuse power and breaks the law. If any Democrats start making noises about not investigating — because investigations are so unpleasant and upsetting and partisan — smack them fast and smack them hard.

Update:
What Glenn says.

Why Righties Are Clueless

Righties have been spamming me with this, so I’ll respond to it once and get it over with. The most recent email:

President Roosevelt, in a signed May 21, 1940 memorandum to his attorney general, FDR wrote:

    I have agreed with the broad purpose of the Supreme Court decision relating to wire-tapping in investigations. The Court is undoubtedly sound both in regard to the use of evidence secured over tapped wires in the prosecution of citizens in criminal cases; and is also right in its opinion that under ordinary circumstances wire-tapping by Government agents should not be carried on for the excellent reason that it is almost bound to lead to abuse of civil rights.
    However, I am convinced that the Supreme Court never intended any dictum in the particular case which it decided to apply to grave matters involving the defense of the nation.
    It is, of course, well known that certain other nations have been engaged in the organization of propaganda of so-called “fifth columns” in other countries and in preparation for sabotage, as well as in actual sabotage.

    It is too late to do anything about it after sabotage, assassinations and “fifth column” activities are completed.
    You are, therefore, authorized and directed in such cases as you may approve, after investigation of the need in each case, to authorize the necessary investigating agents that they are at liberty to secure information by listening devices direct to the conversation or other communications of persons suspected of subversive activities against the Government of the United States, including suspected spies. You are requested furthermore to limit these investigations so conducted to a minimum and to limit them insofar as possible to aliens.

The left loves to whine and rant and bitch about what the administration is doing. Instead, please be responsible and use the truth to make your arguments. It would be nice to read.

Douglas Charles, History News Network, provides some historical background (emphasis added):

In 1934 Congress passed the Federal Communication Act which outlawed the interception and divulgence of wire or radio communications. The law was later upheld by two companion Supreme Court rulings, Nardone v. US, in 1937 and 1939. But with the crisis of World War II mounting, in May of 1940 President Roosevelt secretly authorized the use of wiretaps in national defense cases if approved by the attorney general. Roosevelt further directed that the use of wiretaps be kept to a “minimum” and limited “insofar as possible” to foreign nationals. (Because this authorization was not justified using any congressional mandate, war declaration, or constitutional powers, resting instead on a White House interpretation of the Supreme Court’s intent not to restrict wiretaps in “grave matters involving the defense of the nation,” the Bush administration apparently chose not to cite this to bolster their NSA program.)

First off, the argument that because FDR did something I, as a liberal, must accept it is, um wobbly. FDR imprisoned thousands of Japanese Americans; I hardly think that should have been a precedent. In this case I am not certain that FDR was entirely in the right, and I need more information to make that determination.

However, righties conveniently overlook the fact that this memo was addressed to the Attorney General, who was charged with approving the targets of wiretapping. We learned today, however, that the Justice Department has been completely shut out of the NSA program; the DoJ is not being allowed to even conduct an inquiry into what the NSA is up to. This is significant.

Of course, the NSA has reason to believe the DoJ would not approve.

Second, wiretapping is not the issue. Of course the feds should conduct surveillance, including wiretaps, of persons suspected of terrorist activity. If you’re not a regular here, be advised that I was in lower Manhattan on 9/11. I have a keen appreciation of what terrorism is, and I don’t want to see any more of it. And my understanding is that the feds have the authority to wiretap foreign nationals without a warrant.

The REAL issue is presidential authority under the constitution. As Douglas Charles points out, FDR did not use the same constitutional justification for his wiretapping power that Bush uses. This is a critical point. Another critical point is that Congress has enacted considerable legislation on wiretapping since Roosevelt’s time. Professor Charles continues,

During the mid-1970s, the widespread abuses of power by the FBI, CIA, and NSA were revealed. Two eerily relevant examples for us today, moreover, are the illegal NSA programs codenamed MINARET and SHAMROCK. Through Operation MINARET the NSA eavesdropped on the international telephone calls of some 1,600 Americans; and in Operation SHAMROCK the NSA won the cooperation of American cable companies who, for 28 years, provided the secret agency with copies of Americans’ private messages. Finally, after it was learned that President Richard Nixon liberally interpreted the crime-control law’s language to establish wiretaps on war critics, Congress responded with the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. The new law created a controversial secret court from which the government would have to obtain warrants to establish foreign intelligence and counter-intelligence wiretaps. No longer would the president have the sole power to eavesdrop on communications without any oversight or accountability. Obtaining a warrant from this court, however, was not problematic, especially after the advent of the Patriot Act which lessened the standard for foreign intelligence wiretap warrants to demonstrating only a “significant” link to terrorists or foreign countries.

In RightieWorld, for some reason, the past 60 years of U.S. federal history are irrelevant.

Jonathan Turley of George Washington University, a constitutional law scholar, said on Countdown tonight that he was certain this phone database program violates federal law. He said he’s been looking all day and could find not a shred of legal authority that would permit the NSA to conduct a program like this without congressional or judicial oversight of any kind. I believe FDR’s program would also violate federal law as it exists today. Now, FDR would be required to get warrants from the FISA court to conduct wiretaps on American citizens. FISA law hadn’t yet been written in FDR’s day.

Once again, the real issue is not that Bush has the NSA conducting wiretaps and other surveillance. The real issue is that Bush has assumed unprecedented power to decide for himself what laws apply to him and which don’t. He has, in effect, declared himself to be above the law.

And the FDR example is utterly irrelevant. Once again, wiretapping is not the issue. The issue is that Bush has given himself permission to break the law.

Glenn Greenwald, an attorney with background in cases involving civil liberties, has written several posts explaining why the NSA spy program is illegal, and why Bush’s claims of “inherent authority” and congressional authorization under AUMF are bogus. You can find links to these arguments in this post. He discusses legal issues governing the surveillance program described in today’s USA Today article here. Follow these links for more information on why the NSA program is in violation of current federal law and the Constitution.

Please do not leave comments arguing with me about legality of NSA until you have read Glenn’s arguments. I don’t have time to reinvent the wheel more than twice a day.

Stop Hillary Clinton

Oliver Burkeman reports for The Guardian,

Hillary Clinton’s political shift to the right reached new territory this week as she warmly praised George Bush at a speech in Washington and defended her decision to let Rupert Murdoch sponsor a fundraising event on her behalf.

On the day that a New York Times poll found Mr Bush’s approval ratings at an all-time low of 31%, the leading contender for the Democratic party’s 2008 presidential nomination praised the US president’s “charm and charisma”.

The Senator doesn’t need a fundraising event; she needs an intervention.

Update: Bob Herbert thinks the whole Dem party needs an intervention.