David Broder Is Distraught

Yesterday I linked to a Digby post, which said,

Let’s be clear about this: if we lose this fall, it will not be because the “war colored glasses” crowd was immature and failed to behave properly at the debutante ball. It will be because the Democratic establishment blew off its own voters in order to please David Broder and the stale DC punditocrisy — the same thing they have been doing for more than a decade and losing.

Today David Broder himself provides the perfect follow up. Those untidy antiwar activists in Connecticut are messing with poor Joe Lieberman’s re-election bid, he says, and ain’t it just awful?

Senator Lieberman waxes nostalgic for those more civilized times when candidates for office were chosen behind closed doors by gentlemen

In an interview, Lieberman sounded a note of nostalgia for the old days. “John Bailey genuinely believed that primaries were not only divisive but often didn’t pass the ultimate test of finding the candidate who could win,” he said. If Bailey were alive, his attitude would be, “We have an incumbent senator who is quite popular in the state; we have an opportunity to elect three Democratic congressional challengers; we have a very tough race for governor. Why would we want to challenge an incumbent senator who could lead the other candidates to victory?”

Um, because his record sucks?

The answer is simple: the war, which has lost support among Connecticut voters, especially those likely to vote in a Democratic primary in the heart of summer-vacation season.

Except that isn’t the simple answer. It isn’t just the war.

[February 27, 2006]Just this past year, Lieberman voted to confirm John Roberts, and he voted against the filibuster of Samuel Alito LAW ‘75. He also voted for Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, who, as White House Counsel, called the Geneva Conventions “quaint” and was responsible for the legal justifications for torture at the Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay prisons. Lieberman’s strong ties to industry left him standing alone as a Democrat willing to work on Bush’s ultimately failed privatization of Social Security. And just this week, he refused to join an overwhelming majority of lawmakers from both parties in opposing the Bush administration’s sale of administrative contracts for 21 ports to a company owned by the United Arab Emirates. Lieberman supported federal intervention in the Terry Schiavo case, voted to stop federal aid to public schools that used materials “supportive of homosexuality” and, in 2002, he presided over the confirmation hearings for Michael Brown, the supremely unqualified nominee for FEMA chief whom Lieberman wholeheartedly supported.

It can’t get much worse than that, can it? Oh, it can. Perhaps Lieberman’s most galling characteristic is his willingness to appear in conservative media and to publicly and unreservedly bash Democratic policies and other Democrats. As a Democrat with a bullhorn, Lieberman can and does do more harm to the Democratic message machine than any Republican. It is no surprise then that his approval rating is 15 points higher among Republicans than among Democrats or that he has fundraising parties hosted by Republican lobbyists. He carries water for the GOP and reinforces GOP frames. Consider the case of Rep. John Murtha, a retired colonel. After many talks with commanders on the ground and other Pentagon experts, Murtha — an elder statesman of the House Democratic Caucus and a respected voice on security issues — called for a measured withdrawal of troops from Iraq. In response, Sen. Lieberman cried, “In matters of war, we undermine presidential credibility at our nation’s peril.” Murtha retorted, “What credibility?” It’s bad enough for someone like Karl Rove to routinely impugn the motives of Democrats; it is quite another for our own Democratic senator to do so.

More from the Broder column — you’ll like this —

“I think we did the right thing in overthrowing Saddam, and I think we are safer as a result,” he continued. “Second, while I have been very critical of the Bush foreign policy before the war and the Rumsfeld-Bush policies in Iraq after Saddam was overthrown, I also made a judgment I would not invoke partisan politics on this war.”

No, he’ll stand by shufflin’ and grinnin’ while the Republicans invoke partisan politics on this war.

“My opponent says it [Lieberman’s support for the war] broke Democratic unity,” Lieberman said. “Well, dammit, I wasn’t thinking about Democratic unity. It was a moment to put the national interest above partisan interest.”

If “national interest” means shredding our political heritage and institutions in favor of jack boots and a perpetual state of war, he has a point.

“I know I’m taking a position that is not popular within the party,” Lieberman said, “but that is a challenge for the party — whether it will accept diversity of opinion or is on a kind of crusade or jihad of its own to have everybody toe the line. No successful political party has ever done that.”

Got that? If you’re opposed to Lieberman, you’re a jihadist.

Broder says that Lieberman is considering running as an independent. “A former Democratic vice presidential candidate, a three-term senator, a former state Senate majority leader and state attorney general forced to run as an independent,” Broder says. How distressing.

Update: See also Glenn Greenwald:

One of the most absurd arguments currently being circulated is that there is something misguided or even unethical about supporting a primary challenge to Lieberman. These complaints often include the supremely ironic accusation there is even something anti-democratic about the primary challenge, because it somehow signifies that diversity of opinion is prohibited and dissent punished. But as Roger Ailes points out: “Seems to me that having a pro-war candidate and an anti-war candidate running against each other within a party is about accepting diversity of opinion.”

It would be incredibly irresponsible for the Democrats not to have an all-out debate about whether they want to be represented in the Senate by someone whose foreign policy views are more or less identical to the most militaristic ideologues in the administration. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that the primary challenge against Lieberman is motivated almost exclusively by his support for the Iraq war (an obviously false claim given that numerous Democrats who supported the war are still supported by most Democrats), Lieberman’s neoconservative world-view is squarely at odds with the views of most Democrats (and most Americans), and that, among other things, is what is at issue in his primary challenge.

It is highly revealing that those who view the Connecticut primary challenge as being some sort of anti-democratic affront — such as those geniuses at The New Republic for whom the only more important goal than Middle Eastern wars is Lieberman’s re-election — do not attack the specific views of Ned Lamont, but instead attack the existence of the democratic contest itself. As was true with their advocacy of the invasion of Iraq, neoconservatives don’t want to win a debate over whether further war-mongering, this time in Iran, makes sense. They once again want to squelch meaningful debate entirely, even if it means advancing that blatantly inane claim that a primary challenge to a highly controversial Senator with extremist foreign policy views is inappropriate and even anti-democratic.

Disarray

Conventional wisdom before and after the Take Back America conference — featuring The Booing of Hillary — is that liberals are “dividing” the Democratic Party. Unlike the groomed and housebroken “centrist” Dems like Joe Lieberman, we liberals are flea-bitten, uncombed mutts scratching at the door with muddy paws. Our disagreement with the indoor pooches is not a difference in opposing views but an untidy “disarray” that threatens to soil the carpets.

Last Tuesday morning Senators Clinton and Kerry separately addressed the Take Back America attendees, who were assumed to be “liberal activists” in some news stories, although that point is debatable. Senator Clinton’s speech was well received on the whole, but her non-position on the Iraq War — she wants neither an open-ended commitment nor “a date certain” for withdrawal — drew polite applause, plus some heckling and boos. By contrast, Senator Kerry won the day, and the audience, by admitting he had been wrong on the war in 2002 and calling for a firm withdrawal date. When Kerry said this the audience caught fire and leapt to its feet, cheering and applauding lustily.

John Gibson of Fox News, believing he saw disarray among the Dems and overlooking parallel disagreements about the war among Republicans, attempted to shove a wedge into the party by pressing former DNC chairman Terry McAuliffe to choose between “Hillary’s side” or “the John Kerry side.”

Wow, which is it? The divide is widening within the Democratic party over the war in Iraq. Two top Dems don’t agree on an exit strategy, as you’ve just heard. And all this comes as the party fights to take back control of Congress. Now some Democratic leaders are trying to take things in a new direction. Former DNC chairman Terry McAuliffe joins us now. Before we get into a new direction, Terry, what am I supposed to make of no deadline from Hillary, must have a deadline now from John Kerry? What is a Democrat to think?

I think the audience at Take Back America answered that question clearly; a whopping majority of Dems at the conference preferred a firm withdrawal date to “whenever .” I realize the TBA crowd is not necessarily a representative sample of Democratic voters. But considering that only 9 percent of Democrats approve of the George Bush non-strategy in Iraq (CBS News Poll, June 10-11), the TBA attendees may reflect rank-and-file Dem opinion pretty durn accurately.

And it seems to me the same poll reveals the Republicans are more “disarrayed” than the Dems. The GOP split on the question “Do you approve or disapprove of the way George W. Bush is handling the situation with Iraq?” was 71 to 24; the Dems split 9 to 85 (remainders were unsure).

Speaking for myself, I’m willing to consider options other than a firm withdrawal date. For example, I could live with a plan for withdrawal or redeployment within a time range — say, six to nine months, or by the end of 2007, or some such. What’s important is that the government draw up a concrete plan and then implement it in a timely manner. “Whenever” is not satisfactory. That appears to be the opinion of a solid majority of Dems.

Now, finally, print pundit Robert Kuttner suggests in today’s Boston Globe that just maybe the Dem party’s “disarray” is no disarray at all, but instead is a vacuum of leadership.

Most voters want to end American involvement in Iraq. As in the Vietnam War, the voters are ahead of most politicians. And political debate about defense is finally recovering from the administration’s manipulation of 9/11 trauma.

Yesterday’s passage of a House resolution affirming the President’s “plan” shows us political debate hasn’t recovered enough, however. Forty-two House Dems caved.

Democrats serious about national security are redefining what it means to protect America, and what it means to be a “Defense Democrat.” The dwindling Lieberman wing of the party and its enablers of George W. Bush have had a lock on that label for far too long.

Wow, a print pundit almost caught up to where leftie bloggers were even before the bleeping invasion. Be still my heart.

Digby links to a Republican analysis that says Dems aren’t ready to lead. The analysis points to the Lamont challenge of Joe Lieberman’s Senate seat as an example of immature Dem voters viewing the world through “war colored glasses.” Digby comments:

“The Democrats are not ready to lead.” I think we all know why, don’t we? The “war colored glasses” crowd is a terrible influence, don’t you know. We’re so out of control we are supporting a challenger in a Senate primary! Call out the guard!

And to charges the Dems haven’t fired up the base enough to ensure a House takeover by the Dems, Digby says,

I have to agree that Democrats have yet to fire up the base enough. And the reason is that although many voters are unhappy with Bush they can’t see how things will be any different with Democrats in charge of the congress….

Democrats can ignore this and fret about the immature and distasteful grassroots — or they can start giving their base a reason to vote for them. Mid-terms are about turn-out. Until rank and file Dems see that their party won’t just excuse, enable and endorse GOP policies they have no reason to get off the couch.

Let’s be clear about this: if we lose this fall, it will not be because the “war colored glasses” crowd was immature and failed to behave properly at the debutante ball. It will be because the Democratic establishment blew off its own voters in order to please David Broder and the stale DC punditocrisy — the same thing they have been doing for more than a decade and losing.

Don’t look at us. We’re trying to get Democratic voters charged up about being Democrats again. Pissing and moaning because Joe Lieberman is facing a primary challenge is having the opposite effect. If we lose, it will be because the party establishment once more showed contempt for Democratic voters — a fatal error the Republicans never ever make.

I cannot understand why the Dems are so clueless. According to a CNN poll of June 14-15, Bush’s disapproval numbers are still sixteen points higher than his approval numbers. This was after the glorious victory over Zarqawi and the publicity stunt visit to Iraq, notice. The war remains solidly unpopular with big majorities of Dems and Independents (the “I’s” poll at 67 percent against, 27 percent for, same poll linked above). Yet the Bushies can still scare the Dems into covering Bush’s butt with the ol’ soft on Communism terrorism threat.

You want to look tough and strong, Democrats? Then stand up to Bush. Every time you cave you prove to America you’re a pack of weenies.

Still Decompressed

This is an addendum to the post on the YearlyKos and Take Back America conferences I published yesterday at Unclaimed Territory, in which I complained that there was much talk of building progressive media infrastructure but no real plan for doing it. Robert Perry writes at Consortium News:

Some e-mailers and friends have asked why I didn’t attend some of the recent progressive conferences – like “Take Back America” or the “Yearly Kos Convention” – where media was on the agenda. The short answer is that I have been to progressive meetings in the past where media was discussed – and almost nothing gets done.

As the Right has built up a vertically integrated media infrastructure that stretches from newspapers, magazines and books to talk radio, cable news and well-funded Internet sites, wealthy liberals mostly have sat on their hands. Even now, as the Right expands that infrastructure horizontally down to state, district and local levels – with ominous portents for Election 2006 – well-heeled liberals remain mostly passive.

And this pattern has been going on for years.

In the 1990s – after I left Newsweek over internal battles about what I viewed as the magazine’s mis-reporting of the Iran-Contra Affair – I talked to executives of leading liberal foundations about the desperate need for building honest media in America. I often got bemused looks. One foundation bureaucrat laughed and announced, “Oh, we don’t do media.” Another liberal foundation actually banned media-related proposals.

It’s as if American liberals and possibly some tribe in Borneo are the only groups on earth who don’t understand the transformational power of media.

I believe we have progressed to the point that American liberals — the ones at the conferences, anyway — now understand that in the long run “building honest media” is our biggest and most essential task. Without this, even though we might win elections here and there, liberals cannot expect to take back any real political power or have any influence in American policies. But how do we do this?

Perry explains the steps taken by right-wing think tanks and foundations to build the Wingnut Echo Chamber that would assimilate most of the “MSM.” He continues,

Indeed, in the treatment of Clinton during his presidency and Gore during the pivotal Election 2000, it was difficult to distinguish between the hostility from the right-wing media and the venom from the mainstream media. Yet, wealthy liberals – including many who made their fortune in the entertainment media – just couldn’t get their brains around the need to build strong media outlets for honest journalism.

There were always reasons why that couldn’t happen. One plan was too ambitious; another plan wasn’t ambitious enough.

Other times, perfection became the enemy of the good. There were esoteric debates about how media outlets should maintain their purity by not taking commercials, even though that guaranteed that under-funded operations couldn’t pay professional salaries or achieve necessary technical standards.

Or there were self-absorbed discussions about how liberals don’t need media the way conservatives do because liberals are more free-thinking. Or there was the defeatism about how liberal talk radio couldn’t succeed. Some activists even thought one answer was to get Americans to stop watching TV (after all, the strategy to get Americans to turn off their radios had worked so well).

There was also a strange embarrassment on the Left about the importance of money in achieving what needed to be done. The reason we put the word “consortium” in our title was to stress our view that the only hope for achieving the honest media needed to address America’s political crisis was to pull together substantial resources for building strong media outlets and producing quality journalistic content.

But whenever I’d attend one of those progressive conferences, I left with the feeling that the people who had the money were not serious about doing anything with it, at least not on media. Or maybe they just didn’t see media as all that important.

Even in the past year when some liberal foundations have told me that “oh, we now get the media thing,” what they really wanted to do with their money was put it into activism on media issues, such as organizing demonstrations to oppose funding cuts at PBS.

When I spoke to two foundation officials a year ago and made my pitch for the need to support journalistic “outlets and content,” one of them responded, “oh, those are just words.” What they decided to do with their money was to support “media reform,” i.e. organizing around media issues.

After this year’s “Take Back America” assemblage of liberal activists had ended in Washington, I sat down with a West Coast friend who had attended the conference. He had been there pushing the need for investments in media and had concluded, “All they care about is organizing.”

Yeah, pretty much. That said, I think the YearlyKos media panel, which consisted of real smart people I had actually heard of — Jay Rosen, Christy Hardin-Smith, Jamison Foser, Duncan Black, and Matt Bai — was way better than the TBA media panel, in which some polling consultant took up most of the time. But without money there’s not much we can do but organize.

Resolve Has Nothing To Do With It

This morning the House approved a non-binding resolution “that effectively endorses President Bush’s war policy and rejects setting a date for the withdrawal of U.S. forces” from Iraq, writes William Branigin at WaPo.

The nonbinding resolution, which declares “that the United States will prevail in the Global War on Terror,” passed by a vote of 256 to 153, with five lawmakers voting “present” and 19 others not participating. Forty-two Democrats sided with 214 Republicans in supporting the measure. Three Republicans and one independent joined 149 Democrats in voting against it.

Curious about which House Dems are still providing butt cover for Bush, I combed through this list of how House members voted and pulled out Democrats who voted yes; also noted are Dems who were present but didn’t vote and those who were absent. Any Dem congress critters not on this list voted no.

AL Cramer
AR Berry, Ross, Snyder
CA Berman, Cardoza, Costa (Sherman was present but did not vote. Waxman was absent.)
CO Salazar
FL (Boyd was present but did not vote.)
GA Barrow, Bishop, Marshall
HI Case
IL Bean, Costello, Lipinski (Evans and Butierrez were absent.)
IA Boxwell
KS Moore
KY Chandler
LA Melancon
MA Lynch
MI (Dingell and Kilpatrick were absent)
MN Peterson
MS Taylor, Thompson
MO (Cleaver was absent)
NY Higgins, McCarthy (Bishop was absent)
NC Etheridge, McIntyre
OK Boren
PA Holden
SC Spratt
SD Herseth
TN Cooper, Davis, Gordon
TX Cuellar, Edwards, G. Green
UT Matheson
VA Boucher
WA Larsen, Smith
WI Kind

The Republicans who voted no were Leach of Iowa, Duncan of Tennessee, and Paul of Texas. Sanders of Vermont, an Independent, voted no.

CNN reports:

In a 256-153 vote that mirrored the position taken by the Senate earlier, the GOP-led House approved a nonbinding resolution that praises U.S. troops, labels the Iraq war part of the larger global fight against terrorism and says an “arbitrary date for the withdrawal or redeployment” of troops is not in the national interest.

“Retreat is not an option in Iraq,” declared House Majority Leader John Boehner, R-Ohio. “Achieving victory is our only option … We have no choice but to confront these terrorists, win the war on terror and spread freedom and democracy around the world.”

I see Boehner still believes in the Good Democracy Fairy.

Balking carried a risk for Democrats, particularly when they see an opportunity to win back control of Congress from the GOP. Republicans likely will use Democratic “no” votes to claim that their opponents don’t support U.S. troops.

The most recent polls still say a big majority of Americans — 61 percent in the latest CBS News poll — disapprove of the way Bush is handling the war. Yet voting for “staying the course” is the “safe” vote, and votes that reflect the opinion of a big majority of Americans is a “risky” vote. This suggests the Good Democracy Fairy needs to spend some time in Washington. Along with the Accuracy and Fairness in Media Fairy.

Some GOP incumbents who face tough challenges from Democrats in November issued qualified support for the measure while criticizing the GOP-led Congress.

“The American people are looking to us to answer their questions on how much progress is being made, what are the Iraqis themselves willing to do to fight for their freedom and when will our men and women come home,” Rep. Jim Gerlach, R-Pennsylvania, said before voting in favor of the resolution.

Like I said in the post title — resolve has nothing to do with this.

The House vote comes one day after the Senate soundly rejected a call to withdraw combat troops by year’s end by shelving a proposal that would allow “only forces that are critical to completing the mission of standing up Iraqi security forces” to remain in Iraq in 2007.

That vote was 93-6, but Democrats assailed the GOP maneuver that led to the vote as political gamesmanship and promised further debate next week on a proposal to start redeploying troops this year.

Wake me up when the Senate gets some real resolve.

Je m’amuse.

David Brown writes at the Washington Post that the nation’s hospital emergency rooms are hurting.

Emergency medical care in the United States is on the verge of collapse, with the nation’s declining number of emergency rooms dangerously overcrowded and often unable to provide the expertise needed to treat seriously ill people in a safe and efficient manner.

That’s the grim conclusion of three reports released yesterday by the Institute of Medicine, the product of an extensive two-year look at emergency care.

Long waits for treatment are epidemic, the reports said, with ambulances sometimes idling for hours to unload patients. Once in the ER, patients sometimes wait up to two days to be admitted to a hospital bed

The causes of the crisis are not hard to understand. A law passed in 1986 provides that ERs must at least evaluate and stabilize everyone who seeks help from the ER. However, since 1993 the population has grown, and the percentage of Americans seeking health care from ERs has grown even more, but the capacity of emergency rooms has declined. “In that same period,” writes Brown, “425 emergency departments closed, along with about 700 hospitals and nearly 200,000 beds.”

Brown doesn’t say this, but the number of uninsured Americans using emergency rooms for “non-urgent care” is going up, up, up. The rising number of uninsured Americans results in a rising number of patients with nowhere else to go for medical care. This adds to the stress of emergency room care considerably. And because emergency rooms are supposed to maintain expensive technological gizmos (and staff trained to use the gizmos) to treat catastrophic injuries, heart attacks, strokes, etc., ERs are expensive. Sending the poor to ERs for basic health care is probably the least cost-effective way to provide basic health care, which is a big part of why the United States pays more per capita on health care than any other nation on the planet.

As expensive as emergency room treatment is, patients are dying because they have to wait too long to receive treatment. Brown writes:

The number of deaths caused by a delay in treatment or lack of expertise is especially uncertain, though it may not be small. San Diego established a trauma system in 1984 after autopsies of accident victims who died after reaching the ER suggested that 22 percent of the deaths were preventable, said Eastman, one of the Institute of Medicine committee members.

This is terrible. Yet, I am amused. Why? Because once again, righties conform to my expectations. Last February I wrote in a post called “Obliviousness” —

Try to discuss national health care with a rightie, and the first sentence out of his mouth will be, “You mean like in Canada?” Then he will go off on a tirade about the problems with the Canadian system. (Unless you remind them of the underfunded British system, which is the other good “bad” example of a system with problems.)

Today James Joyner comments on the David Brown article, and what does he do but argue that Canada and Britain have problems, too.

As I wrote in “Obliviousness” and other posts on health care, both Canada and the UK face problems with their single-payer systems. In a nutshell, the British system is scraping by on the cheap (see Figure One; the Brits are spending less than one-third per capita on health care than we are). Canada may have to revise its system to permit citizens to purchase private health insurance if they can afford it.

But as I’ve also written elsewhere, study after study of the world’s health care systems point to France as a nation that seems to be getting it right. Ezra Klein wrote about this last year. Very briefly, France provides health insurance that covers everyone in the nation. But unlike most Canadians, the French may purchase private supplemental insurance, and Ezra says that about 85 percent of the French have done so. Whether they have supplemental insurance or not, French citizens can still choose their own doctors, doctors are not government employees but can establish their practices wherever they choose, and patient-client confidentiality is respected. Further, France has more doctors and more hospital beds per capita than the U.S. does. And France spends about half per capita on health care than we do (see Figure One). You can read more about the French health care system here.

So I’m pleased Mr. Joyner writes that France and also Belgium “do ER care better in the aggregate.” According to WHO,

Belgium has a compulsory health care system based on the social health insurance model. Health care is publicly funded and mainly privately provided. The National Institute for Sickness and Disability Insurance oversees the general organization of the health care system, transferring funds to the not-for-profit and privately managed sickness funds. Patients have free choice of provider, hospital and sickness fund.

A comprehensive benefit package is available to 99% of the population through compulsory health insurance. Reimbursement by individual sickness funds depends on the nature of the service, the legal status of the provider and the status of the insured person. A distinction is made between those receiving standard reimbursement and those benefiting from increased reimbursement (vulnerable social groups).

Substitutive health insurance covers 80% of self-employed people for minor risks. Sickness funds offer the insured people complementary health insurance. Private for-profit insurance remains very small in terms of market volume but has also risen steadily as compulsory insurance coverage has declined.

The federal government regulates and supervises all sectors of the social security system, including health insurance. However, responsibility for almost all preventive care and health promotion has been transferred to the communities and regions.

The United States is the only industrialized nation on the planet that does not have some kind of universal health care provision for its citizens. The thirty-something (or more) nations with universal health care have come up with many different ways of delivering that care, and some nations are doing a better job than others. Single-payer is one way, but not the only way. It appears that the most successful health care systems allow for private insurance to supplement the public system. This can create inequities — people with supplemental insurance may have a wider range of treatment options than those without, for example — but these inequities are minor compared to the inequities that exist in the United States.

Jane Bryant Quinn:

America’s health-care “system” looks more like a lottery every year. The winners: the healthy and well insured, with good corporate coverage or Medicare. When they’re ill, they get—as the cliche goes—”the best health care in the world.” The losers: those who rely on shrinking public insurance, such as Medicaid (nearly 45 million of us), or go uninsured (46 million and rising).

To slip from the winners’ circle into the losers’ ranks is a cultural, emotional and financial shock. You discover a world of patchy, minimal health care that feels almost Third World. The uninsured get less primary or preventive care, find it hard to see cardiologists, surgeons and other specialists (waiting times can run up to a year), receive treatment in emergencies, but are more apt to die from chronic or other illnesses than people who pay. That’s your lot if you lose your corporate job and can’t afford a health policy of your own.

I think a mixed public/private system like France’s would be a lot easier to sell to the American public than a pure single-payer system like Canada’s, or a National Health Service as in Britain. This is true even though economists seem to like the British system for its cost-control measures. I think it’s counterproductive to get hung up on creating a purely egalitarian system. In the real world, people with money will always find a way to get better stuff than people without. The important thing is to be sure everyone has access to decent health care, regardless of income.

One other thing — Mr. Joyner writes,

The fact that someone else pays most of our medical costs takes away any incentive to cut costs, especially when combined with a tort system that further distorts the economics.

Frankly, I don’t buy the idea that giving people insurance takes away incentive to cut costs. Very few people seek health care treatment for the fun of it, and few of us demand tests and treatments that our doctors didn’t suggest first. And who does cost comparisons for, say, open heart surgery? Who gets on the phone to various hospitals and doctors to get quotes for an appendectomy? The insurance companies themselves act as arbiters of cost, often refusing to pay for treatments they deem inappropriate (even if nine out of ten doctors disagree) or putting a cap on what they will pay for some procedures. This results in a system in which clerks, not doctors, decide course of treatment.

As for tort reform — the Right’s panacea for all health care system problems — in spite of the mighty efforts of conservative think tanks to crank out studies “proving” that rising health care costs are mostly the fault of greedy ambulance-chasing lawyers, the actual impact of litigation on overall health care costs is minor. According to a study published in the May 11, 2006, issue of the New England Journal of Medicine — “Claims, Errors, and Compensation Payments in Medical Malpractice Litigation” (not available online to non-subscribers) — only 3 percent of malpractice claims were found to be completely frivolous — involving no verifiable medical injuries. Claims that turned out not to involve errors accounted for 13 to 16 percent of the malpractice system’s total monetary costs, and plaintants rarely receive compensation in these cases. Rightie claims that the courts are flooded with frivolous claims are way overblown.

On the other hand,

The primary myth in the medical malpractice debate that needs to be exposed is the myth regarding the effect of those costs on the health care system. Tort reform proponents have bamboozled the public and many legislators into believing that the cost of medical malpractice lawsuits is a significant factor in driving up the cost of health care. In 2003, the U.S. spent $215 million on liability insurance premiums, and doctors, hospitals and other health professionals paid only $11 billion in medical malpractice insurance premiums. That same year, the U.S. spent more than $1.5 trillion on health care. Something that costs less than 1 percent of total health care costs simply doesn’t have any meaningful effect on access to health care. If we want to address the real problems with the cost of health care, we should start with the evidence, not the myth.

“Tort reform” or health savings accounts or other little tweaks are not going to put a dent in our health care problems. What we need is a total overhaul of the system. But until we can get past the righties screaming about “socialized medicine” or fixating on Canada’s or Britain’s systems as the only models for universal health care on the planet, not much will be done.

Bryan Preston Is a Shameless Liar, Too

The question at hand is whether there’s something about being a rightie and being a pathological liar that tend to go together. Or being a rightie and pathologically stupid; take your pick. Bryan Preston at Hot Air is shamelessly calling ME a liar and then twists facts to “prove” it.

Bryan pulls a sleight of hand by implying that I claimed the audience at Hillary Clinton’s speech had not booed at all, which is a lie. I said they had not booed the troops in the part of the speech presented in the Michelle/Bryan video clip. And then he quotes a bit of a Time magazine article about the boos at the Clinton speech to “prove” that I lied. But the Time article refers to a different part of the speech, and in fact the Time magazine article corroborates what I wrote about the speech last Tuesday. Behold — this is what I wrote Tuesday:

Earlier, Senator Clinton had also spoken on the subject of Iraq. She is opposed to an open-ended commitment of troops, she said, but does not support setting “a date certain.” This inspired some boos, as well as applause.

Time magazine:

But then she came to Iraq. “I do not think it is a smart strategy,” she said, “either for the President to continue with his open-ended commitment, which I think does not put enough pressure on the new Iraqi government, nor do I think it is smart strategy to set a date certain.” Members of the crowd yelled, “Why not?” There was loud booing. It was almost impossible to hear Clinton as she spoke over the crowd to declare, “I do not agree that that is in the best interest of our troops or our country.” After her speech, as Clinton was walking along the stage and shaking hands with attendees who had rushed to meet her, more than a dozen members of the crowd stood and started chanting “Bring the troops home! Bring the troops home!”

Bryan the Dim claims that Time magazine “has our back”; no, dear, it has MY back. Not yours. If you listen to the UNEDITED version of the speech, it should be obvious even to an idiot — which, I suppose one could argue, might leave out Michelle and Bryan — that the crowd was heckling Clinton, not booing the troops. The heckling isn’t clear in the video, but I was in the hall during the speech, and I heard some people yell “bring them home.” Which is what the Time magazine article says, too, although it refers to the end of the speech.

And anyone who is a regular here knows I am no Hillary fan. I might have heckled her myself except that I was wearing a “press” pass and was trying to look objective.

I wrote more about what went on in the hall in another post titled “Booing Hillary” and followed up a bit more in “Take Back Washington.” Clearly, I never said that the audience didn’t boo during the Clinton speech. I had already written three posts referring to boos during the Clinton speech. What I said was that they were booing Senator Clinton, not the troops.

Bryan also makes a Big Bleeping Deal about him being the one who edited the speech, not Malkin. But Malkin claimed ownership of the video clip on her blog — “We’ve captured and posted the video of Hillary getting booed as she asks progressives to support the troops.” So as far as I’m concerned, whether she or Bryan did the actual technical work (and chopped off the video clip to give a false impression of what happened) is beside the point.

For more from someone else who was there, see Susie at Suburban Guerrilla.

Update: Taylor Marsh, who was there too, is a better person than I am. She attempts to walk Michelle and Bryan through the speech to show them where they went wrong. Patience of a saint, I say. I just want to hang bells and warning signs — “flaming liar” or some such — on them just to let folks know to keep their distance.

Update to the last update:
We need bells and warning signs for this little wingnut, too.

Update to the update of the update before that: BTW, the little wingnut linked above seems to think the U.S. won the Vietnam War.

Michelle Malkin Is a Shameless Lying Bitch

Malkin says progressives booed Hillary because she asked them to support the troops. If you play the clip she linked to, you can hear people starting to boo when she talks about the troops — something to the effect that the troops are the best we have — but then the clip cuts off suddenly.

What Malkin cuts off is that people were shouting “BRING THEM HOME!”

They were not booing the troops. They were booing Hillary for not supporting the troops.

I sat in that hall and know good and well no one in that crowd booed the troops. In fact, as I recall, during other speeches (like John Kerry’s, to the same audience) the same audience applauded expressions of support for the troops.

Malkin’s blog is all about targeting the people she wants her readers to hate. Hate is what Malkin is all about. It’s her reason for living. She lies and distorts and smears, and she cultivates hate.

Right now I’m so furious (that’s anger, not hate) I wish I believed in hell so I could imagine Malkin in it. At least, we’ve still got karma.

I’m home, by the way.

Update: Crooks & Liars found a clip of Clinton’s entire speech. The section in question starts at the 24:35 mark. I can’t hear the shouts clearly, but it’s obvious people in the crowd were shouting, not booing. Then a couple of beats later when the Senator spoke about providing better body armor, etc., people applauded.

Update update:
See more updates to this post here.

Take Back Washington

In today’s Washington Post, Dan Balz discusses the booing Hillary incident I wrote about yesterday. The communications director for Take Back America / Campaign for America’s Future, Toby Chaudhuri, sat with some of us exhibits and told us he didn’t know about any special agreements that had been made with Code Pink. Indeed, he said, no one would have had the authority to make such an agreement. He didn’t know where Code Pink got the idea there would be a Q & A after Senator Clinton’s speech. He said that he was unaware that anyone had prevented Code Pink from handing out fliers. However, he said, they had a firm rule about no signage in the ballroom during the speeches. This rule applied to everyone, including Hillary Clinton’s people, who were prevented from bringing signage into the ballroom also.

I speculated yesterday that it may have been the Hilton Hotel, not Take Back America, that prevented Code Pink from handing out fliers. I still think that’s a possibility. Yesterday I asked some Code Pink people I saw in the hall if they could send a spokesperson to the bloggers to talk about what happened, but none materialized.

The Take Back America conference is winding down. The final luncheon is about to start. I’m eating a sandwich in the Exhibit Hall, getting in some blogging time before they kick us exhibits out.

On the whole, this is a pretty depressing place. I just came from a panel that was allegedly about building progressive media. After a lengthy presentation of poll numbers that seemed to be the same poll numbers I’ve been reading about for several weeks, it was brightly suggested that progressives/liberals ought to develop a media infrastructure. And then people introduced themselves — lots of earnest people from earnest Democratic organizations earnestly working on their little issues and projects — the panel ended. Time for lunch. I swear, I want to bang heads together.

Kathy Kiely from USA Today reports that Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid are launching a new platform called “New Directions for America.” I take it this platform is about policy proposals. Like any of this will wriggle through the media filter and actually reach voters who aren’t politics nerds.

Russ Feingold spoke to an enthusiastic audience this morning. “It’s not enough to be in the majority,” he said. Democrats have to stand on principles. Dems can’t expect to win by default or by running out the clock.

Biggest applause line — after talking about Bush’s breaking of FISA law, Sen. Feingold said Bush’s actions amounted to “what the founders meant by high crimes and misdemeanors.” (Audience stands, cheers, applauds.) Feingold says it is important to censure Bush even if he is a lame duck. We have to do it for history.

Time to leave the Exhibit Hall. See ya later.